Quote from: garbon on Today at 04:09:39 AMQuote from: Josquius on Today at 03:12:10 AMyet most foreigners I've ran into speaking about it actively want them.
Why? I can see not being bothered by them but I don't understand why a migrant would want a physical ID? After all, until government went to eVisa, all migrants already had an ID card which was called the biometric residence permit. And I can definitely see why a person would want a BRP over an eVisa as the latter is atrocious.
Quote from: Tamas on Today at 04:25:09 AMQuote from: garbon on Today at 02:18:25 AMQuote from: Tamas on Today at 01:46:20 AMSo anyways, I was thinking that if your opponent's (should be called the enemy by this stage) key strategy is to create chaos, conflict and division so they can dismantle the remnants of democratic institutions, then perhaps shutting down the federal government is not the right counter-strategy to pursue.
But of course this is where the trap is. The fascists shut down the government when you are in power so either you follow suit when they are in, or you make it look like they can govern better.
Okay but we shouldn't forget it is the Republican party that is moving forward with dismantling and firings. The blame for that belongs on them not the Dems.
Unless you are a Republican or listen to Republican media. In which case the blame is squarely on the Democrats.
QuoteChina launches campaign to keep killjoys off the internet
The Chinese government is taking aim at an emotion that has become all too common on the country's internet - despondency.
This week, China's Cyberspace Administration launched a two-month campaign to curb social media posts that "excessively exaggerate negative and pessimistic sentiments". The goal, according to authorities, is to "rectify negative emotions" and "create a more civilised and rational online environment".
In the crosshairs are narratives like "studying is useless" and "hard work is useless", as well as stories that promote "world-weariness".
China has been grappling with an economic slowdown in the wake of a property crisis, high youth unemployment and cut-throat competition for admission to colleges and jobs - all of which have given rise to a sense of disillusionment among its younger generation.
Young people in China "have serious questions about future prospects of their lives" and "must confront the fact that their livelihood is very likely going to be worse than their parents' generation," Simon Sihang Luo, an assistant professor of social sciences at Singapore's Nanyang Technological University, tells the BBC.
And Beijing's anxiety over the bubbling frustration has shown itself in a wave of sanctions hitting the country's influencers and social media platforms.
'Android people'
Last week, well-known content creator Hu Chenfeng had his social media accounts scrubbed of all posts. No-one knows why because Chinese officials gave no explanation. But it's widely believed that this was in response to a viral comment that he had recently made, classifying people and items as either "Apple" or "Android" - with the latter used to describe things that are inferior to the former.
"Yours is a typical Android logic, Android person, Android qualification," he rattled off during a livestream that has since been widely shared online.
While the gag was quickly embraced by many Chinese social media users, others accused Hu of sowing social divisions.
Such obvious jokes about inequality, it seems, have become tricky territory - because they reinforce the divides that the Chinese Communist Party would rather people not dwell on.
Censorship is not new to the Chinese internet. Anything that suggests criticism of the Party, its leaders, or touches on controversial topics that have political implications, quickly disappears.
What is unusual about this campaign against pessimism is that it seems to target a range of online behaviour that could create or add to a sense of negativity.
...
Quote from: garbon on Today at 02:18:25 AMQuote from: Tamas on Today at 01:46:20 AMSo anyways, I was thinking that if your opponent's (should be called the enemy by this stage) key strategy is to create chaos, conflict and division so they can dismantle the remnants of democratic institutions, then perhaps shutting down the federal government is not the right counter-strategy to pursue.
But of course this is where the trap is. The fascists shut down the government when you are in power so either you follow suit when they are in, or you make it look like they can govern better.
Okay but we shouldn't forget it is the Republican party that is moving forward with dismantling and firings. The blame for that belongs on them not the Dems.
Quote from: Josquius on Today at 03:12:10 AMyet most foreigners I've ran into speaking about it actively want them.
Quote from: Baron von Schtinkenbutt on September 29, 2025, 02:51:09 PMIt's Paradox's contribution to helping wean Europe off Russian gas for heating this winter.
Quote from: Sheilbh on October 01, 2025, 06:52:08 AMMaybe.
When New Labour came into office the economy was growing at 3% per year. The national debt was at 37.5% of GDP. Inflation was at 2%. We were a net energy exporter meaning that a key price input was largely under domestic control. We had one of the youngest populations in Europe. We were about to have a decade of growth where in GDP per capita terms (including real term) the economy not only grew significantly faster than the rest of Europe but also faster than the US. And asset prices were about to go on a massive run - particularly housing - so people who had bought homes were about to do very well. Prices in 1997 (adjusted) were about the same as they were in the 80s as there'd been a dip in the early 90s following Black Wednesday - by the time New Labour left office they had more than doubled.
That is a material context that makes the politics of "everyone wins" quite easy. It's, as the Irish used to frame it about "sharing the proceeds of growth" - in Ireland largely through tax cuts, in the UK through a better resourced public sector. I would add there were issues within that decade as everyone winning started to have costs and contradictions. Obviously there's a downside to that huge increase in housing costs in terms of people trying to access the market. The debt was rising before the financial crisis. And things really shift in the second term. In 2005, Mervyn King gives his speech saying the "NICE" (non-inflationary continuous expansion) decade was coming to an end. In the same year we become a net energy importer which means we're more exposed to global energy costs and balance of payments start to matter again. It's also around that time (a little earlier actually) that there is a huge explosion in consumer credit (powered by asset prices increasing too), so a lot of the consumer spending becomes powered by debt and household debt goes from about 90% of GDP to about 160%.
That's a very different context from now. On growth the UK is doing okay-ish - on course to have the second fastest growth in the G7 (after the US) in 2025. But that's still at about half the rate it was in 1997. Inflation is the highest in the G7 and particularly sticky in the UK (again, balance of payments, currency and that we rely on imports for a lot are key here). After the crash (which doubled the national debt) plus covid and energy guarantee following Russia's invasion (which increased by about 25% again), we now have debt as a share of GDP at between 95-100%. The population is aging (but still relatively young in a European context) and the old age dependency ratio is increasing - there's also been a big increase in the long term sick. House prices are very regionalised but broadly plateauing, but rental costs have skyrocketed (in part this reflects the last government's measures increasing the tax burden on landlords, followed by this government increasing the regulations in that area which means landlords are selling up - I personally benefit from this as I bought a flat that used to be a rental).
I think that is a context in which politics and spending is significantly more zero-sum. It's not about sharing the proceeds of growth, because there's not enough to share. It's about choosing - and Starmer, and the Labour movement at this point, and the soft left press like the Guardian do not like making choices. A one off wealth tax is not going to fix this. MMT is fantasy nonsense for a country like the UK (always reliant on the kindness of creditworthy strangers). This should be something Labour can be hard-headed about, as Nye Bevan put it, "the language of priorities is the religion of socialism" - but this government isn't. Similarly the way to a less zero-sum politics is through growth - but I don't see anything like the energy required on that. Although I think there are positive signs - apparently Starmer and Reeves have been reading Abundance (which is about the US, but I actually think far more applicable, relevant - and actionable - for the UK). There's reports that Reeves is going to propose pulling out of the Aarhus Convention and is pushing for quite sweeping reforms to unlock growth, particularly around planning. I saw Steve Reed signing MAGA style red baseball caps with "build, baby, build" on them. But we'll see if urgent action actually follows as opposed to dither, reviews, consultations, process for another year.
I would add that I think the pessimistic side has a reasonable argument that we are moving into a zero-sum world more broadly and that to a large extent it's out of the control of the UK (or most other countries). The world is getting older. Climate is only going to intensify (in the near term - longer term it all depends on China and India's decisions). I think we're in an era of great power competition again where there will be shocks like the impact on energy and food markets by Russia invading Ukraine, or things like covid. I think all of those are structural changes that will shift politics from a more "win win" framing to one about distribution: who benefits, who pays, what's the trade off. And it's not clear that avoiding that would even be good (particularly thinking of climate). I think British (and Western) politics has spent a long time in a fantasy world and needs to get real quick - or it'll happen through a crisis. I think one bigger question should be what does a left wing politics look like in a world more along those lines.
QuoteSort of related to the above and what I was saying on ID cards.
There was polling on ID cards in the summer which had net support of 35%, 53% in favour and 19% against. As I say I suspect that was always mile wide and inch deep which is why you need to make the argument.
But polling out today showing that support has fallen to a net of -14%, 45% opposed (and 32% strongly opposed) with only 31% support. They have become "Keir Starmer's ID Cards" and he's deeply unpopular. Only 13% of voters are satisfied with his performance as PM to 79% who are dissatisfied - so a net rating of -66% which is a record low for this question (worst than previous lows by Sunak and Major).
That's why I'm not convinced his speech necessarily matters. But it also makes the point that if they're making that argument they need to make it. We can see this with ID cards - details briefed to the press and then announced.
But they didn't do any work in advance outlining where and how ID Cards would be useful (Cameron referred to this as "rolling the pitch", Blair as "framing the argument") - but also what hasn't happened is any sustained follow up. I've not really seen much of anything from the government spelling out the benefits, explaining why this government IT project would be different, rebuffing the arguments against.
Josh Glancy in the Times commented on this pointing at Blair - when Blair increased tuition fees it was very unpopular (but he had a majority) and carried a possibility of a big revolt. He did a Newsnight special being interviewed by the toughest interviewer on the BBC, he did a Question Time (like a town hall special) with young people and parents. There were big internal debates too and Blair wanted them because he thought it flushed out objections and sharpened his argument. There are similar stories with Thatcher (in both her case and Blair's this was true until they went mad after winning three elections). You test a policy to destruction internally so you have the best arguments to go out and convince the public. In both cases Thatcher and Blair were kind of energised by opposition - they liked being on stage, they liked being in an intellectual fight for what they were doing.
It's a bit like why Starmer gave government time for the private member's bill on assisted dying his explanation is that he made a promise to Esther Rantzen. Or the welfare cuts - there's absolutely a case and piece of work on welfare reform but it needs a lot of work and you need to build the argument; those cuts were decided last minute because the Treasury needed to make the numbers add up leading to a government with a majority of 170 having to u-turn or face defeat because of internal rebellions. You can't win arguments you're not making. So that speech was good. If it is an isolated speech followed by another two or three month period of minimal activity or comms it will mean nothing.
I keep on thinking about that Patrick Maguire article about Starmer's time in Northern Ireland on human rights law and quietly ticking things off a list and moving things forward in airless conference rooms. The message at that time was not flashy but perhaps effective. I now suspect it's more that that is about his level - he is, at best, an effective middle manager/bureaucrat able to progress items on an agenda. But he's not a leader.
Edit: On this, I hadn't realised but listening to Steve Richards and Starmer didn't mention ID cards in his speech which is really weird. Big announcement, a u turn, apparently a key policy on a number of fronts and controversial but not followed up.
Page created in 0.022 seconds with 11 queries.